Pragmatists vs. Ideologues
Achieving A Free Society: Good News and Bad
By George H. Smith
[email protected]
Special to The Libertarian Enterprise
PART THREE
Concerning
the influence of intellectuals in modern society, F.A.
Hayek writes:
"There is
little that the ordinary man of today learns about
events or ideas except through the medium of this [intellectual]
class; and outside our special fields of work we are in this respect
almost all ordinary men, dependent for our information and instruction
on those who make it their job to keep abreast of opinion. It is the
intellectuals in this sense who decide what views and opinions are to
reach us, which facts are important enough to be told to us, and in
what form and from what angle they are to be presented. Whether we
shall ever learn of the results of the work of the expert and the
original thinker depends mainly on their decision." (Studies in
Philosophy, Politics, and Economics, p. 180)
Hayek points
out that the vast majority of economists are opposed
to both socialism and protectionism, more so than in any other
academic discipline. Typically, however, it is not the views of this
majority, but the pro-interventionist views of the minority, who
receive a public hearing, even though they may be of doubtful standing
in their own profession. This is because the intellectuals, who
transmit ideas to the general public, filter out ideas they disagree
with and publicize the views of those experts whose opinions coincide
with their own. Thus, regardless of the dominance of free-market
views among professional economists, their ideas will exert little
influence politically, since the public will be largely unaware of
them. Such is the all-pervasive influence of intellectuals in
contemporary society. Quoting Hayek:
"Even though
[the knowledge of intellectuals] may be often
superficial, and their intelligence limited, this does not alter the
fact that it is their judgment which mainly determines the views on
which society will act in the not too distant future. It is no
exaggeration to say that once the more active part of the
intellectuals have been converted to a set of beliefs, the process by
which these become generally accepted is almost automatic and
irresistible. They are the organs which modern society has developed
for spreading knowledge and ideas, and it is their convictions and
opinions which operate as the sieve through which all new conceptions
must pass before they can reach the masses." (Ibid., p. 182.)
Hayek, it
should be noted, does not attribute sinister motives to
these intellectuals, whatever their political beliefs may be. By and
large they are intellectually honest people who follow their
convictions. Like everyone else, their beliefs instill in them a bias
that naturally tends to slant everything according to their
theoretical preconceptions. In this respect Hayek's analysis differs
from that, say, of conservatives who attack what they see as a
deliberate and mendacious bias in the mass media. This kind of bias,
according to Hayek, is natural and inevitable, because we all view the
social and political world through ideological spectacles. Our
theories and ideas act as mental categories, which mold our
perceptions of social reality.
As Hayek
points out, it is extremely difficult to change the
theoretical beliefs of intellectuals, because they do not, and cannot,
possess first-hand information about every new idea that comes their
way. The intellectual judges a new idea not on its particular merits,
but rather on how neatly that idea fits into his other general
notions. Or, as philosophers of knowledge might say, the intellectual
assesses the truth or validity of a new idea, not according to whether
it corresponds to a fact of reality -- which is something he cannot
possibly know in every case -- but rather on the _coherence_ of that
new idea with the rest of his knowledge, which tends to be generalized
and highly abstract. If the new idea is consistent with his other
knowledge, he accepts it; if not, he rejects it.
The general
ideas of the intellectual, therefore, are like the
pieces of an incomplete jigsaw puzzle, and new pieces are accepted or
rejected according to how well they fit into the overall pattern.
Moreover, since the intellectual determines the climate of opinion in
his society, his jigsaw puzzle will tend to be the same as that of
society as a whole. Thus, if the intellectual rejects a piece because
it doesn't fit into his puzzle, then, even though his rejection may be
based on ignorance or error, that piece will never even reach the
general public, who will be deprived of any opportunity to judge it
for themselves.
It is
through this process that intellectuals play a crucial role
in determining what in German is called Weltanschauung, or worldview
-- or to what Hayek, following other writers, variously refers to as
the "climate of opinion" or "spirit of the time." This idea, which
today is commonly known as "public opinion," refers to that amorphous
but formidable collection of fundamental beliefs, whether true or
false, about social reality that are held by most members of a given
society. A basic purpose of Hayek's essay is to explain how a
worldview is generated, sustained and reinforced. For Hayek,
intellectuals, and especially philosophers (though not necessarily
academic philosophers), exert a tremendous influence in this area,
because their abstract theories serve as a social filter, trapping
some ideas while allowing others to pass through to the general
public.
This is
an interesting analysis, because it explains how the
average person can be influenced by philosophical theories without
studying those theories or even being explicitly aware of what they
are. Indeed, as Hayek points out, the theories themselves may have
little or no intrinsic merit; they may be excessively vague or even
self-contradictory, or they may seem so obvious so as not to require
any justification. The expression of a worldview is frequently
preceded with phrases like, "As everybody knows..." or, "It's obvious
that...." Such worldviews tend to be self-reinforcing, because, for
the most part, only those ideas that are consistent with the worldview
are allowed to pass through the filter of the intellectual to the
public at large.
Again, it
must be stressed that Hayek does not regard this
selective process as a sinister conspiracy of philosophers and
intellectuals. Rather, it arises spontaneously and is necessitated by
the vast number of ideas and bits of knowledge that circulate in a
complex society, only a handful of which can be considered by any
particular person. Accordingly, therefore, those who wish to
establish a free society should focus, not on railing against the evil
motives of their adversaries, but on replacing the erroneous theories
of those adversaries with better ones.
Hayek places
great stress on this point. It is not enough merely
to poke holes in an opposing theory or to point out its practical
difficulties, because such problems can always be accounted for, or
explained away, with ad hoc justifications that are consistent with
the theory in question. No -- if a free society is to be achieved,
the prevailing worldview of statism must be replaced by a better set
of theories, namely, the worldview of libertarianism. And this
requires not just the continuous development of libertarian theory --
which, of course, is crucial -- but also the cultivation of
libertarian philosophers and intellectuals who can undertake the long
and arduous process of reshaping public opinion.
CONCLUSION
Every person
in this room is an intellectual, though some of you
may not think of yourself in these terms. We are all engaged in
communicating the ideas of liberty, whether to our friends and
colleagues or to a broader audience. I encourage each of you to take
seriously your role as a public intellectual, by developing your
knowledge and cognitive skills. I suggest this, not only because it
will enrich your life, but also because it will vastly improve your
effectiveness as a libertarian activist. It's difficult to put into
words exactly how this happens, but I can assure you from personal
experience that it does. Every so often I sit down and examine my
ideology from scratch, attempting, as honestly as I can, to examine
the ultimate foundations for my libertarian beliefs. Through this
critical reexamination, combined with many years of reading and
rereading the libertarian classics and reflecting on what I have read,
I find a progressive improvement in my ability to communicate ideas
and persuade others.
With this
in mind, let's return to the paradox of the good news
and the bad news that exist side by side in our society. However
impressive our intellectual advances have been during the past several
decades, libertarians constitute a minuscule part of the intellectual
class, as Hayek understands that term. Our ideas about liberty,
however logical and rigorous, tend to have little influence on the
thinking of Americans, because the intellectual class prevents those
ideas from filtering down to the general public.
This is
especially true in the cultural arena, such as popular
entertainment. Where are the libertarian screenwriters, directors,
producers, actors, and artists? True, there are occasional
exceptions. The movie Legends of the Fall, for example, is a
marvelous depiction of libertarian family values, where an estranged
son is reunited with his father when they share some quality time by
bumping off federal agents. A few actors, such as Kurt Russell, are
libertarians, but they are rare exceptions who, as Russell explained
in a recent interview, are shunned by the Hollywood community.
Fortunately, we are better represented in the realm of imaginative
literature, especially in science fiction, where libertarian themes
and values are quite common.
In short,
as a movement we are top-heavy with experts, such as
professional economists, but we are sorely lacking in cultural
intellectuals who can popularize and transmit the ideas of our experts
to the general public. Before we can hope to achieve anything like a
free society, we must establish a culture of liberty as its
indispensable foundation.
Unfortunately,
there is no magic bullet by which we can bring this
about. We cannot legislate cultural change; we cannot transform the
American worldview merely by replacing our rulers. By this I do not
mean that political change is unimportant; it is something, but it is
not everything.
Meanwhile,
Hayek's view of the role of intellectuals, coupled with
my earlier remarks about the relationship between theory and strategy,
allows us to avoid the profound pessimism that can arise by focusing
too much on the "bad news" of political degeneration. The empirical
data of political degeneration can neither prove nor disprove our
strategic theory -- which tells us that freedom will never arise and
prosper without the strength of principles, and that we must display
moral courage in applying those principles consistently, without
compromise, however unpopular this may make us in the short run.
History tells us that radical changes can be effected, that political
degeneration can be arrested and reversed, though no one can say how
long the process will take.
Those Americans
who took up arms in 1775 knew that they might not
live to see the freedom they so desperately desired, but many
thousands gave their lives for the ideal of individual rights. The
empirical data was against them; America, with no professional army or
navy, faced the most powerful military machine on the face of the
earth, one that had defeated France just a few years before. A modern
political scientist, with his empirical data and computer simulations,
would have informed the Americans that their rebellion was futile,
that they could not possibly defeat the British. But the resilience
of freedom, and its power to motivate, cannot be quantified, measured,
or predicted.
Likewise, we
libertarians should disregard the bad empirical news
of political degeneration and not allow it to deflect us from our
principled course of action. Theory cannot tell us whether we will
succeed, but if it is still possible to reclaim the liberty of our
country, then theory, combined with an understanding of history,
teaches us that an inflexible zeal on behalf of the freedom and
dignity of the individual is the only way that we can achieve our
goal.
Will those
of us here live to see a free society? I sincerely
hope we will. But even if we do not, even if we continue on the
slippery slide to tyranny, we can still lay the intellectual and
cultural foundations of liberty for future generations, for our
children and for our grandchildren.
And that,
my friends, is a cause worth fighting for.
George H. Smith is the author of Atheism: The Case Against God and
Atheism, Ayn Rand, and Other Heresies. He is currently working on
his third book, Sovereign State, Sovereign Self. Smith recently
wrote the introduction to a new edition of The State by Franz
Oppenheimer.
This article was first delivered as the keynote address at the
Libertarian Party of California's state convention in Sacramento
February 15, 1997 and is reprinted from the International Society for
Individual Liberty's Freedom Network News No. 48 (March 1997).