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The Revolution Now
by Jim Davidson
planetaryjim -+at+- yahoo -=dot=- com

Special to The Libertarian Enterprise

Some years ago, Edward R. Murrow commented on dissent, insisting that it not be confused with disloyalty. Many Americans refuse to be loyal to mass murder, refuse to be loyal to genocide, refuse to be loyal to militarism, and refuse to be loyal to stripping individuals of their human rights, torturing them to death, imprisoning them without trial, keeping them imprisoned after their sentences have been served, and generally abusing power for the sake of remaining in power—aspects of the current Repugnant and Demolisher administration and Congress, respectively. So, in my opinion, it is not the American people who should be chastised for confusion.

Rather, we must, now, as individuals, choose to say that the government is not allowed to confuse dissent with disloyalty. When the opposition to this government is executed by this government, as I believe it shall be, it is up to Americans whether to be executed, or to revolt. And the time to organise, the time to plan, the time to prepare, the time to ready ourselves, is fast escaping us.

But make no mistake, I do not call for a general rebellion, a war, or random acts of violence. These things may occur, and should be anticipated, and the brutal, mindless, aggressive suppression of rebellion, war, and violence in this country by those in power—along with the equally mindless cheerleading from the sidelines by the jocks and other fools—should also be anticipated. The facts that revolution is not always violent, that war is not always necessary, that resisting authority is its own reward are not widely regarded nor easily understood. But for requiring individuals to think for themselves, demanding that they judge on their own, by their own standards, and insisting that each individual choose for himself to walk through the door into freedom, I am proud. I regard it as a high mark of distinction that I have been criticised for placing these requirements, demands, and insistence upon others.

L. Neil Smith is mistaken. Using encryption to safeguard our information does not make us cockroaches scurrying about in the woodwork of humanity, it makes us mammals moving through the woodlands of the dinosaurs. Encryption technology, virtual privacy networks, the onion router, secure servers, encrypted root hard drives, and digital bearer instruments are not the tools of insects, but the death knell of dinosaurs. With these tools we are the revolution of our times.

Politicians talk about the need for individual liberty, but are generally hypocrites. When it comes to sacrificing their own career for the sake of the principles of liberty being applied to people they regard as unpopular, there is not one of them who thinks his career is of little consequence. Even Ron Paul, for all his brilliance and determination on so many issues fails to uphold the principles of reciprocity, liberty, and decency when he is called upon to apply them to poly-amorous, gay, lesbian, or trans-gendered persons seeking to unite themselves in sets of their own choosing in the bonds of what they regard as matrimony, be it holy or otherwise. Ron Paul does not regard the free movement of goods and services across international borders to be properly subject to governmental impediments, high tariff barriers, nor subsidies, but he somehow fails to see the problem with erecting walls and other barriers to the free movement of individuals across borders. Indeed, the very police state apparatus upon which he insists to limit access by outsiders to come into America creates the iron curtain which is going to be applied to keep Americans from leaving when the government here applies the tools of tyranny that it has already amassed.

Make no mistake about the powers arrayed against you. I can offer you no guide for your path except the lamp of experience. The only way to judge about the prospects in our future is by examining the past. And, judging by the past, I would ask what there has been in the conduct of this Administration or this Congress for the past decades to justify any indulgence in hope? If we are to hope for freedom in our lifetime, what is it about the warlike preparations which cover the oceans and darken our lands that is consistent with such hope? What is it about the suspension of habeas corpus in the absence of any invasion or open rebellion that illuminates even a glimmer of hope? What is it about domestic espionage operations to monitor every transaction and every conversation of every American that is in the least capable of reflecting the brilliance from the shining torch of liberty enlightening the world?

Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have Americans shown themselves to be so aggressive and unwilling to be loyal that force and espionage must be called upon to win our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, friends. These are tools of war and subjugation, the final argument of kings.

Why have troops been trained to humiliate prisoners, torture them in violation of the constitutional prohibition on cruel and unusual punishment, disarm them in spite of the prohibition on the infringement of the right to keep and bear arms, and assembled in our states, near our homes? Why have telecommunications companies been coerced and suborned into abject cooperation with domestic espionage operations to monitor every American? Why has Barack Obama called for tripling the budget for brown shirted auxiliaries, and demanded that all middle school and high school students act as paramilitary forces in order to qualify for student loans or other assistance? Why have a cadre of Hitler Youth if its purpose is not to force us to submission? Can any decent person assign any other possible motive for these things? Does the United States of America, incorporated, have any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for this accumulation of navies, armies, and domestic spies? No, it does not.

They are meant for us, they can be meant for no other. They are organised here to bind and revite upon us those chains which the Congress have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose them?

Shall we try argument? We have in fact been trying that for many decades. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing.

We have help up the subject of liberty in every light of which it is capable, and argued against our enslavement as vehemently, as intelligently, and by turns both as passionately and as dispassionately as possible. Shall we crawl, and beg, and resort to entreaty and humble supplication? No. Let us not deceive ourselves any further.

We have done everything which decency requires we do to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned, we have remonstrated, we have supplicated, we have prostrated ourselves before the seat of power, and we have implored the interposition of any officer of government to arrest the tyrannical hands of the bureaucracy, the Congress, and the current administration. Federal judges have insisted that we have no right to petition for redress of grievances, and our petitions have been slighted by form letters responding often in praise of the opposite positions we have taken.

Moreover, our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult. Even questioning a former candidate for president such as John Kerry has caused a student to be violently electrocuted while surrounded by witnesses. "Don't tase me bro," he cried, while John Kerry looked on with glee.

We have been spurned with contempt, over, and over, and over again. We are held in contempt because we allow the lowest and most contemptible men and women to hold high political office, to corruptly allocate budgets and contracts, to be bribed by lobbyists for powerful interests, to become lobbyists after they leave office, and to lord it over our neighbors, friends, and family, even over ourselves. You and I are held in contempt because we have acted in a contemptible manner, because we have been worthy of contempt. We have begged at the foot of the throne of power, and been kicked in the genitals, and in the face. And it is time to stop.

There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free, if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending, if we mean not to abase ourselves by abandoning the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must resist. I repeat it, now. We must resist.

The key to our resistance is to use our strength against their weakness, bring the masses of our forces against the fragments of theirs. In order to win we need only to resist the tyranny, refuse to support it, withdraw the fruit of our labor, and deny the fruits of our neighbors' labor to the tyrant. As Etienne de la Boetie explained hundreds of years ago, the tyrant depends on our support for his standing. We need not tear down his pedestal. He'll fall by himself if only we withdraw our support.

Learn about encryption. Learn about network security. Learn about privacy. Learn about digital bearer instruments. And apply these tools, today. Resist tyranny, or die.

You may say that we are too weak to win, and that is almost certainly true. But when shall we be any stronger? Would waiting until we are each ear tagged, stripped of our weapons and gold, and monitored electronically 24 hours a day by implanted digital tracking tools make us any stronger?

The tyranny which seeks to subjugate us is very strong, no doubt. But it is also engaged in wars all over the globe, and determined, it seems, to engage in even more. The opposition in Congress is so loyal that it approves every budget, approves of domestic espionage against Americans, and approves of every measure in support of the Israeli lobby—potentially even to the point of engaging in pre-emptive nuclear strikes against other sovereign nations. Shall we delay while the forces arrayed against others are brought to bear against us? No.

We cannot become stronger by delay, our enemy cannot be made weaker by delay. We must choose to act in our own defense, and we must act now.

Even if we were base enough to desire it, there is no retreat but into submission and servitude. Our chains are forged. Their clanking may be heard from Guantanamo Bay in Cuba where non-combatants are imprisoned without trial and tortured to the streets of Denver where dissidents are being corralled into "free" speech zones and intimidated into silence.

Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Certainly not. I know not what course others may take; but as for me I shall take my liberty.

Jim Davidson is a sovereign individual who writes extensively on topics ranging from individual liberty to nanotechnology. He is an entrepreneur with extensive experience in space tourism, online sales, medical practice management, real estate, port development, toll road development, and education. He is currently working on an initial public offering for a computer company and a massively multiplayer online gaming project. He also markets gold and silver to individual seeking to hedge against inflation. Please visit one of his sites, such as Vertoro.com, Indomitus.net, or GoLightSpeed.com. Lately, he has joined a rag tag bunch of revolutionaries as chair of the Boston Tea Party. If you visit bostontea.us you can join up and elect his replacement in October. He'd like it if you do.

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